POWER IN PEOPLE
Two words - but they put together so much! We are talking thousands of children making friends with equal number of sponsors, while ActionAid and partners make the bridge. Together is a key word in this connection, this friendship. Joining hands brings magic.
Women's Rights and Gender Equity
Every woman has the right to live free from violence, discrimination, and fear. We work to ensure safety, voice, and economic freedom for women and girls across Bangladesh.
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Resilience and Climate Justice
Floods, cyclones, and climate shocks destroy lives. We help communities prepare, respond, and rebuild - with dignity and long-term resilience.
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Youth and Just Society
Young people are not just the future - they are powerful agents of change today. We empower youth to lead, advocate, and build a just society.
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Child Sponsorship and Child Rights Programme
Thousands of children making friends with sponsors, while ActionAid and partners make the bridge. Together is a key word in this connection, this friendship. Joining hands brings magic.
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Humanitarian Programme
From rapid emergency response during floods, cyclones, and humanitarian crises to long-term recovery and resilience building, ActionAid works alongside communities to ensure access to food, safe shelter, clean water, and protection services. The programme is particularly active in climate-vulnerable coastal regions and in the Rohingya refugee response in Cox’s Bazar, where it supports women-led initiatives, safe spaces, and essential services.
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Rohingya Response Programme
Our Rohingya Response Programme supports communities affected by displacement. We provide emergency relief, livelihood support, and long-term resilience-building programs.
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Csp Vi
Read the reportImpact In Numbers
10,76,958
Total Reach
17,960
Reproductive Health Related Service
12,695
Women Engaged in Diverse Livelihoods Options
476,039
Children Reached
38.0M
Digital media Outreach
101,090
Rohingya Response
Latest News
News
Recognizing A Feminist Green Revolution For Climate Justice And A Sustainable Economy
At the epicenter of the global climate crisis, a new kind of economic and environmental model is taking root in Bangladesh- one that is not only eco-friendly but deeply human and gender-responsive. Recognizing outstanding contributions to the fight against climate change and a just, feminist green transition, the ‘Feminist Green Action Award 2026’ was presented in Bangladesh for the second consecutive year. Read More:
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পেকুয়ায় বন্যায় ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত ৪৫০ পরিবারকে একশনএইড বাংলাদেশের সহায়তা প্রদান
সাম্প্রতিক বন্যায় ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত কক্সবাজার জেলায় পেকুয়া উপজেলার ৪৫০টি পরিবারকে নগদ অর্থ সহায়তা প্রদান করেছে একশনএইড বাংলাদেশ। চলমান জরুরি বন্যা প্রতিক্রিয়ার অংশ হিসেবে মগনামা ইউনিয়ন পরিষদ মাট ও রাজাখালী ইউনিয়নের এয়ার আলী খাঁন আদর্শ উচ্চ বিদ্যালয় মাটে আয়োজিত পৃথকভাবে ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত পরিবারের নারীদের হাতে প্রতি জনকে ৪,০০০ টাকা করে নগদ সহায়তা তুলে দেওয়া হয়। Read More:
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টেকনাফে বন্যায় ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত পরিবারের মাঝে ত্রাণ সহায়তা দিল যুব সংগঠন
টানা ভারী বর্ষণে সৃষ্ট আকস্মিক বন্যায় কক্সবাজারের টেকনাফ উপজেলার হ্নীলা ও হোয়াইক্যং ইউনিয়নের শত শত পরিবার পানিবন্দি হয়ে পড়েছে। ঘরবাড়ি প্লাবিত হওয়া, কাঁচা সড়ক ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হওয়া এবং নলকূপ ও স্যানিটেশন ব্যবস্থা পানির নিচে তলিয়ে যাওয়ায় এলাকায় নিরাপদ পানীয় পানির তীব্র সংকট দেখা দিয়েছে। এ অবস্থায় স্থানীয় যুব নেতৃত্বাধীন সংগঠন SHAY (Support for Humanitarian Aid Youth Society), JYDA Bangladesh ও Youth Peacebuilders যৌথভাবে ActionAid Bangladesh-এর সহায়তায় জরুরি মানবিক সহায়তা কার্যক্রম শুরু করেছে। Read More:
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News
Survey By Sanem And Actionaid: What Youths Think About The Upcoming Election
"Among those surveyed, 76.78 per cent expressed willingness to vote in the next election. About 5.9 per cent remain undecided, while 4.14 per cent said they would not vote. Another 13.98 per cent are not yet registered voters." SANEM and ActionAid conducted the survey in all eight division of the country A survey conducted among young people has revealed their views on which political party might secure what percentage of votes in the upcoming national election. The opinions of 2,000 young individuals aged between 15 and 35—both male and female—were taken into account. According to these respondents, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is expected to receive the highest share of votes at 38.76 per cent in the next election. They estimate that Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami will get 21.45 per cent of the votes, followed by the National Citizen Party (NCP) at 15.84 per cent. In addition, if the Awami League, which is currently banned and has its registration suspended, were allowed to contest, it too would receive 15.84 per cent of the vote, the respondents said. Other Islamic parties are expected to gain around 4.59 per cent. Among those surveyed, 76.78 per cent expressed willingness to vote in the next election. About 5.9 per cent remain undecided, while 4.14 per cent said they would not vote. Another 13.98 per cent are not yet registered voters. The survey was jointly conducted by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) and ActionAid Bangladesh between 20 and 31 May this year. Respondents were selected from two districts in each of the country’s eight divisions, with two upazilas chosen from each district. Presenting the survey results in Dhaka on Monday, SANEM executive director Selim Raihan said that this survey aimed to capture the perspectives of young people aged 15 to 35 only. He further said the opinions reflected there were limited to the selected respondents and should not be interpreted as representative of the entire population, particularly in sensitive matters such as politics. The survey, which was conducted in the wake of the July uprising, focused on youth perspectives around employment, education, and the political situation. The results were presented at BRAC Centre Inn in Mohakhali by SANEM research associate Safa Tasnim. Representatives from various youth organisations also participated in the event. The survey revealed that 87.4 per cent of respondents get their political information from social media. When asked whether youth-led political parties could bring positive change compared to traditional parties, over 42 per cent of young people responded positively. However, when asked whether existing political parties reflect the needs and aspirations of the youth, 40.24 per cent were unsure, and over 30 per cent said that parties represent youth interests only partially. Around 60 per cent of young people surveyed said they want political parties to reform and end patronage, nepotism, and political violence. Opinions on religion-based politics were split, with 51.77 per cent believing it supports Bangladesh’s development, while 48.23 per cent disagreed. About 38.3 per cent of respondents said they were concerned about the growing influence of religion-based political parties. Some 11.4 per cent said they were not concerned at all, and 30 per cent said they were either occasionally concerned or had no opinion. In response to how soon religion-based political parties might come to power in Bangladesh, over 39 per cent said they didn’t know, and 22.5 per cent said “never”. However, more than 11 per cent said it could happen within five years. At the event, ActionAid Bangladesh Country Director Farah Kabir said that the motivation behind young people entering politics matters: whether they are driven by ideals and a desire for change or by the pursuit of personal gain. She remarked that young people have always been at the forefront of mass uprisings, yet are often absent when it comes to policymaking. Selim Raihan noted that if key actors fail to make the most of this political moment, no meaningful change will take place, and the hopes raised by the July uprising will remain unfulfilled. He stressed the importance of using this transitional period wisely, particularly in envisioning a new Bangladesh.
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Stories Of Change
Blog
When The Water Took Everything But Hope
Floods are a familiar part of life in Pekua. Every year, families brace themselves for rising water, damaged homes, and disrupted livelihoods. But this year was different. When floodwater began entering her home in the middle of the night, Murshida, a mother of five, quickly realised that this was not an ordinary flood. Within hours, water covered the floor, swallowed the courtyard, and surrounded the small house where her family had built their lives. There was nowhere to go in the darkness. As the water continued to rise, Murshida gathered her family onto a bed and waited. Through the long night, she sat awake, watching the water inch closer while silently praying that it would stop before dawn. “I couldn't think of anything else,” she recalls. “I just prayed that the water would not rise any higher.” For Murshida, the fear went far beyond losing her home. Her husband survives on occasional alms and is speech-impaired and living with a mental disability. Two of their children are also speech-impaired. As floodwater surrounded their home, Murshida's greatest concern was keeping her family safe, especially those who could not fully understand the danger unfolding around them. At first light, the family fled to her in-laws' house on slightly higher ground. But as the water continued to rise, they were forced to move again by afternoon, seeking refuge at her father's house on the other side of the embankment. Anticipating the worsening situation, Murshida had already sent her two children there earlier. Even then, the fear did not disappear. Although the water never entered her father's house, floodwater eventually reached the homestead, and accommodating seven additional family members for days became increasingly difficult. Some members of Murshida's family had to seek temporary shelter in neighbouring homes, relying on the generosity of relatives and neighbours to get through the crisis. “I was terrified,” she says. “My husband and two children cannot swim. They needed constant attention. My family helped watch over them, but feeding everyone became another challenge.” Like many flood-affected families, they soon found themselves struggling to secure enough food. “We could somehow manage rice, but there was little else to eat,” she explains. “For several days, we ate rice with salt and leafy vegetables. Sometimes neighbours shared whatever they had. That is how we survived.” Returning home brought little relief. As the floodwater gradually receded, Murshida found that the crisis had not ended. The mud floor remained soaked, household belongings had been damaged by water, and parts of the fragile house had weakened after days of flooding. For a family already struggling to meet daily needs, repairing their home felt almost impossible. “Everything was wet,” she recalls. “We did not know how we would repair the house when we could barely manage food.” The flood did not only force Murshida from her home, it exposed the fragile reality she has been living with for years. The family's only asset is a small homestead built on government-owned land. Leaving it permanently is not an option. If they move elsewhere, they risk losing the only place they can call home. Poverty, insecurity, and recurring climate shocks have become a constant backdrop to their lives. Yet despite everything, Murshida refuses to give up. Almost every year, floods, waterlogging, or other climate-related disasters force her family to start over. To support her family, she takes whatever work she can find—whether in nearby salt fields or as a domestic worker. Like many women in the community, she rebuilds her life one day at a time after each disaster. Following the recent floods in Pekua, ActionAid Bangladesh provided emergency cash assistance of BDT 4,000 each to 450 flood-affected families, including Murshida's. When asked what she would do first with the money, her answer came without hesitation. “There wasn't enough food left at home for even one more meal,” she says. “Not a handful of rice remained. First, I will buy rice, lentils, and potatoes. I want my children to eat properly. It has been a long time since we had a full meal. Then I will use the remaining money to repair our house.” Her wish is simple. No grand ambitions. No impossible dreams. Just enough food on the table, a safe roof overhead, and the chance to rebuild her family's life. For Murshida, recovery begins with those small but essential steps, restoring dignity, rebuilding security, and holding on to the hope that better days are still possible.
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Impact Stories
A Mother's Seventh Season: Uncertainty
“I Don’t Know What We Will Eat or Where We Will Stay” These were the words of Mariam* from Pekua Upazila in Cox’s Bazar, where recent flooding has left thousands of families struggling to cope with the loss of food, income, and safe shelter. “These past few days have been very hard for my children. We don’t always have enough food, and they often fall asleep after spending hours hungry. Floodwater entered our home and ruined everything. Now I don’t know what we will eat or where we will stay with the children.” These were the words of Mariam* from Pekua Upazila in Cox’s Bazar , where recent flooding has left thousands of families struggling to cope with the loss of food, income, and safe shelter. When ActionAid staff visited her community, floodwater still surrounded her home. Knee-deep water covered the yard and had already reached the veranda. Mariam is the mother of five children, all of whom depend on her daily care and support. Her husband, the family’s sole breadwinner, works as a mason. However, continuous rain and flooding have left him without work for the past ten days. “Life was already difficult before the flood,” Mariam said. “Now there is no work and very little food at home. Some days, if I can feed the children even one meal, I feel grateful.” Like many families in the area, they were caught off guard by the speed of the flooding. Water entered their home overnight, damaging household belongings, food supplies, and cooking facilities. Floodwater submerged the family’s kitchen and clay stove, forcing them to set up a temporary cooking corner inside their living space. With no savings to rely on, Mariam borrowed money from a neighbour to buy rice and lentils so the family could continue having at least one meal a day. Mariam navigates floodwater outside her home in Pekua, where days of heavy rain left many families struggling to access basic necessities and continue their daily lives. Many families remained in their damaged homes during the emergency. Community members said they were reluctant to move to the local cyclone shelter, which they described as being in a deteriorated condition. “For the last three days, we have survived on rice and lentils,” Mariam said. “Only one meal a day.” During the visit, two of her children lay asleep on a bed nearby. Mariam explained that hunger had become part of their daily reality. “They cried for food all morning. Since we eat only once a day, they had rice and lentils at noon and then fell asleep. It is becoming a daily routine.” Like many coastal communities in Pekua, families largely depend on daily wage labour, fishing, and salt cultivation. With floodwater remaining for days, many households lost their income and were forced to borrow money simply to meet their basic needs. The floods have also intensified existing challenges around safe water and sanitation. Several households share communal latrines, and many families purchase drinking water because there is no tube well in the community. Flooding has further limited access to clean water and sanitation facilities, increasing health risks and making it difficult for women and girls to maintain privacy and dignity. A communal latrine stands surrounded by floodwater in Pekua. Limited access to safe sanitation and clean water remains a major challenge for affected families. “There is water everywhere, but not clean water that we can use,” Mariam explained. “Keeping the children clean and bathing them has become very difficult.” Women in the community also spoke about overcrowded living conditions, concerns for children’s safety, and the challenges of accessing sanitation facilities, particularly at night. With homes surrounded by water and schools closed, many parents remain anxious about their children’s wellbeing. Throughout the visit, Mariam spoke with a smile that seemed at odds with the difficulties surrounding her. As she described hunger, damaged walls, and uncertainty about the days ahead, she continued to speak warmly about her children. Behind that smile, however, was the weight of ensuring five children had enough to eat and a safe place to sleep. Across Cox's Bazar's coastal communities, many families are facing similar struggles. In a region where flooding has become an almost annual reality, families are left wondering how many more times they can rebuild their homes, restore their livelihoods, and start over again. For Mariam, and for countless women like her along this coast, this has become the seventh season, not marked on any calendar, but as predictable as the monsoon, and far harder to prepare for. It doesn't end when the floodwater recedes. It lingers in the debt still owed to a neighbour, in the children who ask when they'll eat again, in the quiet work of holding a family together with almost nothing. * Name changed to protect identity.
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Impact Stories
From Matchmaker To Change Maker: Shahjahan Sheikh’s Stand Against Child Marriage
Shahjahan Sheikh is a local matchmaker living in Chondrakhali village of Rampal Upazila under Bagerhat district. For many years, he has been working as a matchmaker in his community. He prefers this work over other jobs because people respect him for this role and he also earns some money from arranging marriages. Although his income is small, it helps him support his family. In the past, Shahjahan Sheikh arranged marriages without considering the legal age of the bride and groom. That time, he was mainly focused on earning money and did not contemplate the harmful effects of child marriage. He never considered whether the couple were mentally, physically, or socially ready for marriage. By 17th November 2025, Shahjahan Sheikh participated in a Value Clarification Session organised by the SHOMBHABANA Project at Rampal Upazila Parishad. Implemented by JJS, this initiative is funded by the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Bangladesh, with technical support from UNFPA Bangladesh. Through this session, he learned about the legal age of marriage, the laws related to child marriage, and the punishments for arranging or supporting child marriage. He also learnt about the negative impacts of early marriage, such as health risks, early pregnancy, domestic violence, school dropouts, poverty, and lack of decision-making capacity. After returning home, Shahjahan Sheikh reflected deeply on what he had learned. He recalled many of the marriages he had arranged in the past where the couples were underage. He realised that most of those couples were not living happy married lives. Many young girls were suffering from poor health due to early pregnancy. Some couples were facing domestic violence and family conflicts. Many had to stop their education and were forced to work as day labourers, leading to a life of poverty. Due to lack of education and life skills, they also faced difficulties in managing their families. When he compared these couples with those he had married at a legal and mature age, he found a clear difference. The adult couples were more educated, financially stable, healthier, and living more peaceful family lives. This realisation made him feel deeply sad and guilty about his past actions. He strongly regretted arranging child marriages and promised himself that he would never again arrange any marriage before the legal age. A few days later, Shahjahan Sheikh received an offer to arrange the marriage. At the first Shahjahan check the birth certificate of the girl and found that the age is 17 year 154 days. This time, he immediately refused because the under ages of the girl. He explained to the girl’s guardians the dangers and long-term problems of early marriage. He talked about health risks, early childbirth, loss of education, and family violence. He also informed them about the marriage law and the legal punishment for child marriage. Even though the guardians offered him a large amount of money, Shahjahan Sheikh remained strong in his decision and refused the offer. After listening to his explanation, the guardians understood the risks and finally decided to wait until their daughter reached the legal age for marriage. By preventing this child marriage, Shahjahan Sheikh felt proud and satisfied. He realized that he had done a noble and responsible act. Now, he actively shares his knowledge with friends, neighbors, and other matchmakers in his community. He advises parents not to marry off their daughters early and encourages them to ensure education, safety, and a secure future for their children.
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Impact Stories
Preventing Child Marriage: Minara’s Fight For A Future She Chose
"I am beyond thrilled to be able to continue my education now. It hasn't been easy for a girl like me from a family like mine to dream big. People are as great as their dreams and while I'm not sure if I'll reach mine, I aspire to make a positive impact and support the underprivileged once I finish my education. I'm actively raising awareness in the community about the importance of education and the harmful effects of early marriage," said Minara, a 15-year-old girl who is the youngest of five siblings living in a village in Bishwamvarpur with her father, older brother, sister-in-law and little niece. Minara's sisters fell victim to early marriage, so she believed she would succumb to the same fate. Her sisters had to abandon their education, consent to marriage against their will, leave their homes, and embark on lives vastly different from their dreams. “I witnessed my sisters being forced to drop out of school. Had they been able to pursue their education, their lives could have taken a different path. They could have achieved financial independence and even supported our family,” Minara said sadly. Minara, like other marginalised girls, faced the risk of early marriage due to her family's deteriorating financial situation. Her father is unable to contribute, so the family relies solely on her brother's income as a day labourer. However, the inconsistent availability of work makes it challenging to sustain her education. Her family is barely able to provide nutritious food when there is no work. Despite the adversities, Minara has been with ActionAid Bangladesh's Child Development Centre (শিশু বিকাশ কেন্দ্র) since 2016. At the center, she learned about the importance of education for a better future and the detrimental effects of early marriage. Minara is also an active member of a Child Forum, where she has acquired leadership skills and confidence to protest harmful social norms. “Since 2016, I have been a member of the Child Forum, where enlightening discussions have deepened my understanding of children's and girls' rights,” she added. In 2023, ActionAid Bangladesh provided Income Generating Activities (IGA) support such as tailoring and dress making and seed capital of BDT 6,000 to 95 families, including Minara’s to be able to support education expenses and acquire new alternative livelihood skills. By providing tailoring services to women of the Reflection Action Circle (RAC) run by ActionAid Bangladesh and others in the community. Minara’s family now earns BDT 1,500 per month. With the additional income, Minara's brother also invested in goat rearing. Minara's family takes pride in her accomplishments and no longer presses her into marriage. They encourage others in the community to protect the rights of children and give them a chance for a brighter future.
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Event
Feminist Green Action Award 2026
On the evening of June 20, the spotlight was entirely on the brilliant young minds and grassroots entrepreneurs! To celebrate their effort for driving a just and feminist transition, we hosted the Feminist Green Action Award 2026 for the second consecutive year. The ceremony took place at a Dhaka hotel. Moderated by our Country Director, Farah Kabir, the event featured Ekushey Padak-winning veteran actor Afzal Hossain and corporate lawyer & business leader Barrister Nihad Kabir as spotlight speakers. This year, 3 organisations were awarded across two categories—Youth-Led Green Business and Small & Medium Enterprises (SMEs)—for their exceptional contributions to tackling the climate crisis and driving sustainable development. Winners of FGAA2026 🏆 Swachha – Eco-friendly waste management and recycling. 🏆 World Linkup – Promoting climate awareness and green technology. 🏆 Classical Handmade Products BD Ltd. – Manufacturing eco-friendly handicrafts using local raw materials. Two grassroots entrepreneurs also received special recognition for their work in environmental sustainability and employment generation. The honourees are: 👉Sharmin Akhter, an entrepreneur from Bogura. She has generated employment for more than 200 people—primarily women and persons with disabilities—by producing ropes from discarded fabric and leftover yarn, according to organisers. 👉Soleman Ali, a solar energy entrepreneur from Thakurgaon. Known as the "Solar Man", he developed an affordable solar-powered irrigation model for farmers. His mobile solar irrigation pump has supported local farmers amid the ongoing power crisis, organisers added. The festive night concluded beautifully with a captivating cultural performance by musician Warda Ashraf. About the Award Enterprises (SMEs) that demonstrate leadership in adopting feminist green actions across their operations. The award encourages businesses to include feminist and gender-focused methods in their operations, production, and supply chains, making sure they work towards both environmental sustainability and gender equality. By highlighting such initiatives, the award promotes responsible business practices that empower women, support inclusive workplaces, and contribute to climate-resilient and sustainable economic growth. With Bangladesh already recognized as a global leader in green garment production, this award seeks to further encourage industries and enterprises to adopt sustainable and gender-responsive practices. It aims to inspire businesses to go beyond environmental compliance and embrace feminist principles that ensure equity, participation, and fair opportunities for all. Through recognition and visibility, the Feminist Green Action Award contributes to advancing a more inclusive, just, and sustainable future, while strengthening Bangladesh’s leadership in green and ethical production. What is green feminist transition Green Feminist Transition refers to a transformative approach that draws inspiration from the idea of Mother Nature and emphasizes the coexistence of economic activities with ecological preservation. The concept promotes responsible use of natural resources and advocates moving away from extractive practices toward a greener, sustainable economy. It integrates environmental sustainability with human rights, gender equity, and inclusive practices, ensuring that development supports both people and the planet.
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Event
Global Climate Strike 2026
Carrying the slogan “No Future Without Nature”, more than a hundred young people took to the streets on 8 May, 2026, demanding a fossil fuel-free world. The climate strike was held on Friday morning at Manik Mia Avenue in the capital, marking the Global Climate Strike. The programme brought together young representatives from 30 youth organisations across the country and eight global platform youth hubs, alongside ActionAid Bangladesh. During the demonstration, young climate activists called for an immediate end to fossil fuel dependency and demanded a systematic shift towards renewable energy through a just transition. As part of the protest, demonstrators displayed a giant “monster” made from discarded plastic, symbolising the devastating impact of plastic pollution and fossil fuels on the environment. Activists also staged a symbolic performance wearing masks to highlight the health risks associated with fossil fuel use. A rally was later held along Manik Mia Avenue following the gathering. Alongside Dhaka, thousands of young people joined the movement in 27 other districts across the country. Members of the ‘Activista’ network organised marches and rallies in different parts of the country, including Chattogram, Khulna, Barishal and Sylhet, demanding climate justice. The Global Climate Strike is observed worldwide every year under the ‘Fund Our Future’ campaign. In Bangladesh, a broad coalition of youth organisations joined the movement in solidarity with the ‘Fund Our Future’ campaign of ActionAid Bangladesh and the call of . The movement demanding an end to harmful fossil fuels and greater investment in renewable energy includes Ashar Alo Youth Welfare Association, Climate Frontier, EcoBangla, Future Flare Foundation, Green Peace Youth Deployment Society, Janakallayan Shangstha, Kashful Foundation, Mission Green Bangladesh, OAB Foundation (Over All Bangladesh Foundation), Odommo’19 Youth Foundation, Rongmohol for Youth, Rupnator, Society for Action and Development Alternative (SADA), Sharub Youth Team, SHBO (Service for Human Being Organization), Shopno Proyash Jubo Sangstha, Shurjodoy Youth Society, The Nutrification, The Shundarbans, United National Cultural Organization for Rural Area (UNCORA), Weave Bangladesh, Youth Action for Social Development. (YASD), Young Climate Action Network (YOUCAN), Youth Action for Development (YAD), Youth for Uplift Bangladesh
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Event
Scholarship Support For Medical Students
On 12 April 2026, ActionAid Bangladesh successfully organised a scholarship distribution event for five promising programme participants from LRP 45 (Ghoraghat) and LRP 51 (Chanpara). This initiative, made possible through the generous support of a donor and their network from Italy, is designed to assist students from vulnerable backgrounds who are pursuing studies in Medical and Nursing fields, enabling them to continue their education and progress toward their aspirations. Among the recipients, four are female Nursing students, while one male student is currently pursuing his MBBS degree. The first installment of the scholarships was formally handed over by our Country Director, Farah Kabir, at the ActionAid Dhaka Office. These young individuals reflect remarkable strength, resilience, and determination. Despite coming from remote and hard-to-reach communities, their journeys demonstrate how timely and meaningful support can transform challenges into opportunities. Together, we remain dedicated to creating a future where every young person is empowered to learn, grow, and achieve their full potential
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Event
Celebrating The International Day Of Sport For Development And Peace 2026 In Cox’s Bazar
Sport creates friendship, brings peace, and offers moments of joy where people can forget their daily struggles and feel a sense of hope and belonging. On the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace 2026, youth, women, girls, persons with disabilities, and community leaders in Cox’s Bazar camps and host communities engaged in rallies, football matches, and fun games under the theme, "Sport: Building Bridges, Breaking Barriers." The activities created inclusive and safe spaces where communities strengthened teamwork, social bonds, and peaceful coexistence through sport. With support from UNHCR and UEFA Foundation for Children, these initiatives are helping communities reduce stress, encourage positive engagement among youth, and create a more connected and supportive environment in their daily lives.
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Ongoing Events
2nd Renewable Energy Fest 2026
Join Renewable Energy Fest 2026 Bangladesh's biggest national platform for a just, green and inclusive energy transition. RE Fest 2026 will bring together 1,000+ participants from government, business, finance, academia, civil society, and regional networks to shape the future of Bangladesh's renewable energy transition. Date: 12–14 October 2026 | Venue: BUET, Dhaka Renewable Energy Fest 2026 (RE Fest’26) jointly organised by ActionAid Bangladesh and Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) in collaboration with Just Energy Transition Network Bangladesh (JETnet-BD) and Institute of Energy and Sustainable Development (IESD), BUET. Nearly 95% of Bangladesh's installed electricity generation still depends on fossil fuels, much of it imported and exposed to volatile global prices and supply disruptions, creating significant economic pressure on industries, businesses, and households. Globally, the picture is changing fast: the IEA projects renewables will overtake coal as the world's largest electricity source by 2026, and neighbours from India to Nepal are scaling up rapidly. Bangladesh has taken its own first steps through the Renewable Energy Policy 2025 and its target to deploy 10,000 MW solar power by 2030. However, the transition must still be made inclusive, accountable and shaped by the people it affects most. Renewable Energy Fest 2026 has been designed to advance exactly that vision; a national platform bringing policymakers, regulators, development partners, investors, innovators, workers, women leaders, youth and communities together for three days of dialogue, exhibition, collaboration and action, building on the momentum of RE Fest’25. Signature Features • Power to the People: Energy Justice Assembly: a pre-Fest rally voicing community demands for a just transition. • Innovation Fair: early-stage prototypes, applied research and grassroots solutions, with seed funding and recognition for the most promising innovation. • Technology Fair: commercially available renewable technologies from leading manufacturers, RESCO and EPC firms. • Innovation-to-Impact Marketplace: live pitching connecting innovators with investors and financiers. • HerEnergy Leadership Hub: spotlighting women's leadership in renewable energy. • Clean Energy Workforce Hub: capacity and market linkages for technicians and installers. • Green Jobs & Career Hub: direct recruitment between employers and jobseekers. • Transition Finance Hub: banks and investors presenting financing instruments. • Government Authorities Hub: direct engagement with SREDA, IDCOL, BEPRC and relevant government agencies. • People & Power Hub: communities and civil society shaping people-centred pathways. • Youth Hub: dialogues, workshops and cultural performances for young leaders. • High-Level Policy Plenaries: four strategic discussion sessions on policy and governance, social and environmental safeguards, innovation and technology, renewable energy financing, incorporating national and regional perspectives. • Awards, Culture and Closing Ceremony: recognising outstanding contributions to the transition. Who should attend: Government ministries and regulators · Development partners and international organisations · Regional policymakers and experts · Corporates, RESCOs and EPC Companies · Investors, banks and financial Institutions · Innovators and entrepreneurs · Researchers and academics · Civil society and community leaders · Youth networks Every hub, plenary, exhibition, and pitching session contributes to one shared outcome: advancing a justice-centred policy and investment agenda for renewable energy in Bangladesh while catalysing partnerships, investments, innovation, and collective action for a just energy transition.
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The Rohingya Cannot Be Left Waiting For History To Change
Nine years ago, Bangladesh opened its doors to the largest influx of Rohingya refugees amid one of the gravest episodes of ethnic persecution in recent history. Nearly 1.2 million Rohingya now live in Bangladesh, most of them in the sprawling settlements of Cox’s Bazar. Nine years later, the world still speaks of them as a “crisis.” But what happens when a crisis lasts for so long? It becomes a condition. A generation grows up inside it. Children become adolescents; adolescents become parents. Humanitarian assistance becomes the architecture of their everyday life. Hope becomes something rationed alongside food, healthcare, and education. Bangladesh’s response to the plight of this displaced community deserves recognition. Ordinary people in Cox’s Bazar and beyond opened their homes and hearts to those fleeing violence. At the same time, the government has continued to stand with refugees and keep their plight on the international agenda, despite the enormous pressures of hosting such a large population. That solidarity, however, should never become an excuse for the rest of the world to step back. Unfortunately, the international community’s attention has since steadily moved elsewhere, even as the conditions that forced the Rohingya from Myanmar remain unresolved. The 2026 Joint Response Plan sought $710.5 million to reach 1.6 million refugees and members of host communities. The figure shows that the world is still being asked to fund survival, while it’s doing far too little to change the political conditions that perpetuate the need for it. This is the central failure of the Rohingya response. We have become better at managing displacement than ending it. This is not a matter of choice between humanitarian relief and repatriation. Both are necessary, but neither is sufficient. Safe, voluntary, and dignified return remains the only credible durable solution. Return without citizenship, security, rights, and political recognition would reproduce displacement in another form. So, we need to ask a more uncomfortable question: what are we doing with the years in between? The Rohingya are not passive recipients waiting for governments to ease their lives. Women are organising informal networks, supporting survivors of violence, sharing health information, and creating spaces for collective solidarity. Young people are acquiring skills and imagining futures beyond the camp. These are not signs that the crisis is being solved, but evidence of agency surviving despite the crisis. Yet our humanitarian architecture too often treats that agency as an inconvenience rather than an asset. Women, in particular, are asked to become resilient without being given meaningful power. Livelihood programmes can measure participation without asking whether women have greater control over resources, decisions, or their own mobility. Safe spaces and sexual and reproductive health services remain vulnerable precisely when they should be considered essential protection infrastructure. Furthermore, the camps sit in one of Bangladesh’s most disaster-prone regions. Cyclones, monsoon flooding, landslides, and fires can turn an already precarious existence into catastrophe. The 2026 response plan itself identifies disaster risk and climate change as a core priority. A child growing up in such conditions does not experience “temporary displacement.” For the child, it is simply their childhood. That is why the 10th year should mark a shift from “managing” a refugee population to “protecting” a generation. For Bangladesh, this means continuing to insist on a political solution while investing in the dignity, education, health, skills, and resilience of those who are here. It means supporting host communities whose own resources and patience are under pressure. It means treating the Rohingya not as an indefinite humanitarian caseload but as people whose rights and agency matter. For international actors, it means ending the cycle in which humanitarian pledges substitute for political action. Donors must provide predictable, multi-year financing rather than waiting for each annual emergency appeal. Regional powers cannot remain focused on strategic interests in Myanmar while Bangladesh continues to absorb the consequences of Myanmar’s crisis. Most of all, the Rohingya themselves must be part of determining what a future solution looks like. No repatriation plan designed without them can be genuinely voluntary. No programme for their future can be legitimate if women and young people are treated merely as beneficiaries. Nine years is long enough to know that waiting is not a good strategy. Bangladesh needs stronger international burden-sharing, while global actors must ensure Myanmar bears political responsibility for creating and resolving this displacement. The Rohingya should not have to prove their humanity every time humanitarian funding runs short. And the world cannot continue to express concern while allowing political paralysis to become permanent. The 10th year should therefore be more than another anniversary. It should be a deadline for changing the question—from “how long can Bangladesh sustain the Rohingya response?” to “how much longer will the world tolerate the conditions that make the response necessary?”—and finding a solution that finally ends their displacement rather than simply managing it. Farah Kabir , Country Director, ActionAid Bangladesh.
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মানুষের বৈচিত্র্যই রাষ্ট্রের শক্তি
আদিবাসীদের ‘আদিবাসী’ না ‘অধিবাসী’ বলা হবে, তা নিয়ে রাজনৈতিক বিতর্কের জন্ম হয়েছে। কে আদিবাসী, কে ক্ষুদ্র নৃ-গোষ্ঠী; রাষ্ট্র কোনটি ব্যবহার করবে, কোনটি পাঠ্যপুস্তকে থাকবে; কোন শব্দ একটি আন্তর্জাতিক উন্নয়ন সংস্থা বা মানবাধিকার সংগঠন ব্যবহার করতে পারবে– এসব প্রশ্ন নিয়ে উত্তাপ বাড়ছে। কিন্তু এই বিতর্ককে যদি শুধু একটি শব্দের লড়াই হিসেবে দেখি, তাহলে আমরা আসল প্রশ্নটি এড়িয়ে যাব। প্রশ্নটি আরও গভীর: বাংলাদেশ রাষ্ট্র হিসেবে কি তার সব মানুষের সমান মর্যাদা, পরিচয় ও অধিকার নিশ্চিত করতে প্রস্তুত? ২০২৫ সালের জানুয়ারিতে নবম-দশম শ্রেণির বাংলা ব্যাকরণ ও নির্মিতি বইয়ের পেছনের প্রচ্ছদে ‘আদিবাসী’ শব্দ-সংবলিত একটি গ্রাফিতি ছিল। ওই গ্রাফিতিতে একটি গাছের পাঁচটি পাতায় ‘মুসলিম’, ‘হিন্দু’, ‘বৌদ্ধ’, ‘খ্রিষ্টান’ ও ‘আদিবাসী’ লেখা ছিল এবং পাশে ছিল– ‘পাতা ছেঁড়া নিষেধ’। একটি ছাত্র সংগঠনের প্রতিবাদের পর ‘আদিবাসী’ শব্দযুক্ত গ্রাফিতি সরিয়ে নেওয়া হয়। এ ঘটনা বিতর্কের নতুন মাত্রা যোগ করে। পরে শব্দটি পুনর্বহালের দাবি করেন আদিবাসী শিক্ষার্থী, শিক্ষক, নাগরিক সমাজ ও মানবাধিকারকর্মীরা। সে বছর জানুয়ারিতে সংঘর্ষে অনেকে আহত হন। পাঠ্যবইয়ের প্রচ্ছদের একটি শব্দ তখন পরিচয়, ইতিহাস, রাষ্ট্র ও নাগরিকত্বের বড় প্রশ্নে পরিণত হয়। প্রশ্ন হলো, একটি শব্দ এত ভয় তৈরি করে কেন? রাষ্ট্রের সার্বভৌমত্ব ও ভৌগোলিক অখণ্ডতা রক্ষা যেমন তার স্বাভাবিক দায়িত্ব, তেমনি তার সীমানার ভেতরে বসবাসকারী ভিন্ন জাতিসত্তা, ভাষা ও সংস্কৃতির মানুষের পরিচয় ও অধিকার রক্ষাও রাষ্ট্রের দায়িত্ব। কিন্তু এ দুটি দায়িত্ব পরস্পরবিরোধী নয়। বাংলাদেশের সংবিধানের ২৩(ক) অনুচ্ছেদে বিভিন্ন ‘উপজাতি, ক্ষুদ্র জাতিসত্তা, নৃ-গোষ্ঠী ও সম্প্রদায়ের’ স্বতন্ত্র সংস্কৃতি ও ঐতিহ্য সংরক্ষণ, উন্নয়ন ও বিকাশের কথা বলা হয়েছে। ২০১০ সালের ক্ষুদ্র নৃ-গোষ্ঠী সাংস্কৃতিক প্রতিষ্ঠান আইনেও ‘আদিবাসী তথা ক্ষুদ্র নৃ-গোষ্ঠী’ শব্দগুচ্ছ ব্যবহৃত হয়েছে। ফলে ‘আদিবাসী’ শব্দটি বাংলাদেশের রাষ্ট্রীয় ও আইনগত পরিসরে অপরিচিত নয়। আন্তর্জাতিক অধিকার কাঠামোও বিষয়কে কেবল নামের প্রশ্ন হিসেবে দেখে না। জাতিসংঘের আদিবাসী জনগণের অধিকারবিষয়ক ঘোষণাপত্রে পরিচয়, সংস্কৃতি, ভূমি, প্রথাগত জীবন ব্যবস্থা, অংশগ্রহণ ও আত্মনিয়ন্ত্রণের অধিকারের কথা বলা হয়েছে। একই সঙ্গে ঘোষণাপত্রের ৪৬ অনুচ্ছেদে স্পষ্ট করা হয়েছে– এর কোনো কিছুই রাষ্ট্রের ভৌগোলিক অখণ্ডতা বা রাজনৈতিক ঐক্য ভেঙে দেওয়ার অধিকার হিসেবে ব্যাখ্যা করা যাবে না। অতএব ‘আদিবাসী স্বীকৃতি মানেই আলাদা রাষ্ট্র’– এমন ধারণা আন্তর্জাতিক কাঠামোকেও অতিসরলীকৃত করে। বাংলাদেশের ক্ষেত্রে বিষয়টি আরও জটিল। বাংলাদেশ ১৯৭২ সালে আন্তর্জাতিক শ্রম সংস্থার আদিবাসী ও উপজাতীয় জনগোষ্ঠী-বিষয়ক কনভেনশন, ১৯৫৭ বা আইএলও কনভেনশন ১০৭ অনুসমর্থন করে, যা এখনও বাংলাদেশের ক্ষেত্রে বলবৎ। ২০০৯ সালে আইএলও বাংলাদেশের আইন ও কনভেনশন ১০৭-এর মধ্যে তুলনামূলক পর্যালোচনাও প্রকাশ করে। এমনকি ২০২৫ সালে গৃহীত এবং ২০২৬ সালে প্রকাশিত আইএলওর বিশেষজ্ঞ কমিটির পর্যবেক্ষণেও পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রাম শান্তিচুক্তি বাস্তবায়ন নিয়ে বাংলাদেশের প্রতি মন্তব্য রয়েছে। অর্থাৎ আদিবাসী ও উপজাতীয় জনগোষ্ঠীর অধিকার বাংলাদেশের জন্য একেবারেই নতুন কোনো আন্তর্জাতিক বিষয় নয়। ১৯৯৭ সালের পার্বত্য চট্টগ্রাম শান্তিচুক্তিও রাষ্ট্রের সার্বভৌমত্বের কাঠামোর মধ্যে একটি বিশেষ ঐতিহাসিক, সাংস্কৃতিক ও প্রশাসনিক বাস্তবতাকে স্বীকার করেছে। ভূমি বিরোধ নিষ্পত্তি, আঞ্চলিক পরিষদ ও স্থানীয় প্রতিষ্ঠানগুলোর বিশেষ ভূমিকার ব্যবস্থা দেখিয়ে দেয়– রাষ্ট্রের অখণ্ডতা বজায় রেখেও বৈচিত্র্যময় জনগোষ্ঠীর জন্য বিশেষ অধিকার ও প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক ব্যবস্থা করা সম্ভব। তাহলে আপত্তি কোথায়? সম্ভবত শব্দে নয়; ক্ষমতায়। ‘ক্ষুদ্র নৃ-গোষ্ঠী’ বললে আলোচনাটি সহজেই সংস্কৃতি সংরক্ষণ ও উন্নয়নের প্রশাসনিক কাঠামোয় সীমাবদ্ধ থাকে। কিন্তু ‘আদিবাসী জনগোষ্ঠী’ বললে সামনে আসে আরও কঠিন প্রশ্ন– ভূমির সঙ্গে ঐতিহাসিক সম্পর্কের স্বীকৃতি কী হবে। প্রথাগত ভূমি ব্যবস্থার মর্যাদা কোথায়? উন্নয়ন প্রকল্পের আগে স্থানীয় জনগোষ্ঠীর মতামত কতটা গুরুত্ব পাবে? প্রাকৃতিক সম্পদ ব্যবহারে তাদের অংশগ্রহণ কী হবে? রাষ্ট্রের উন্নয়ন কি তাদের জন্য, নাকি তাদের ওপর? এই প্রশ্নগুলোই শব্দটিকে রাজনৈতিক করে তোলে। কিন্তু রাজনৈতিক হওয়া অপরাধ নয়। গণতন্ত্রে ক্ষমতা, সম্পদ, মর্যাদা ও ন্যায়বিচারের বণ্টন নিয়ে প্রশ্ন তোলাই স্বাভাবিক। তাই ‘কেন তাদের আদিবাসী বলা হচ্ছে’– এটি না হয়ে আজকের প্রশ্ন হওয়া উচিত ‘কেন তাদের অধিকার নিশ্চিত করার আলোচনায় একটি শব্দ এত বড় ভয় তৈরি করছে?’ একজন চাকমা, মারমা, সাঁওতাল, গারো, খাসি বা ম্রো একই সঙ্গে বাংলাদেশের নাগরিক এবং স্বতন্ত্র জাতিগত পরিচয়ের অধিকারী হতে পারেন। নাগরিকত্ব রাষ্ট্রের সঙ্গে মানুষের সম্পর্ক নির্ধারণ করে; জাতিগত ও সাংস্কৃতিক পরিচয় নির্ধারণ করে মানুষের সামাজিক ও ঐতিহাসিক অস্তিত্ব। এক পরিচয় অন্য পরিচয়কে বাতিল করে না। এখানেই আরেকটি ভুল ধারণা ভাঙা জরুরি। ‘আদিবাসী’ স্বীকৃতি মানেই দেশের সব জমির মালিকানা তাদের হাতে তুলে দেওয়া হবে– এমন সরল সমীকরণ আন্তর্জাতিক অধিকার কাঠামোতেও নেই। আবার শব্দটি ব্যবহার না করলেই ভূমি, ভাষা, সংস্কৃতি, বৈষম্য বা ঐতিহাসিক বঞ্চনার সমস্যাও অদৃশ্য হয়ে যায় না। আবার আন্তর্জাতিক মানবাধিকার কমিউনিটি, জাতিসংঘ সংস্থা, নাগরিক সমাজ ও উন্নয়ন সংগঠনগুলোর অবস্থানও বোঝা জরুরি। তারা সাধারণত কোনো নতুন পরিচয় তৈরি করে না; বরং আন্তর্জাতিক মানবাধিকার ব্যবস্থায় প্রচলিত একটি ধারণা ব্যবহার করে। সেখানে প্রান্তিক জনগোষ্ঠীকে শুধু উন্নয়নের সুবিধাভোগী হিসেবে নয়, অধিকারভোগী হিসেবে দেখা হয়। ২০২৫ সালের পাঠ্যপুস্তক বিতর্কটি আমাদের আরেকটি বাস্তবতা দেখিয়েছে– পরিচয়ের প্রশ্ন এখন আর পাহাড় বা প্রান্তিক অঞ্চলের বিষয় নয়; এটি জাতীয় সাংস্কৃতিক বয়ানের অংশ। গণমাধ্যমেও আদিবাসী জনগোষ্ঠীকে নিয়ে সংস্কৃতি ও সংঘাতের খবর তুলনামূলক বেশি গুরুত্ব পায়। অথচ শিক্ষা, স্বাস্থ্য, ভূমি ও মৌলিক অধিকারের প্রশ্ন প্রায়ই আড়ালে থাকে। ফলে পরিচয় নিয়ে বিতর্ক যতটা দৃশ্যমান, অধিকার নিয়ে আলোচনা ততটা নয়। বাংলাদেশ চাইলে এই বিতর্ককে শব্দের পক্ষে-বিপক্ষে অবস্থান নেওয়ার লড়াই না বানিয়ে একটি নতুন সামাজিক চুক্তির আলোচনায় নিতে পারে। আমাদের প্রয়োজন এক রাষ্ট্র, এক নাগরিকত্ব, এক সার্বভৌমত্ব; কিন্তু এক রকম মানুষ নয়। বুঝতে হবে, রাষ্ট্রের শক্তি শুধু অভিন্নতা তৈরিতে নয়, বৈচিত্র্যকে নিরাপদে ধারণ করার সক্ষমতায়ও। কোনো জনগোষ্ঠীর নিজের পরিচয় উচ্চারণের অধিকারকে ভয় পাওয়ার বদলে রাষ্ট্র যদি তাদের মর্যাদা, ভাষা, সংস্কৃতি, ভূমির অধিকার এবং সিদ্ধান্ত গ্রহণে অর্থবহ অংশগ্রহণ নিশ্চিত করে, তাহলে রাষ্ট্র দুর্বল হবে না, বরং আরও ন্যায়ভিত্তিক, স্থিতিশীল ও গণতান্ত্রিক হবে। তাই ‘তাদের কী নামে ডাকব’– এখানেই প্রশ্নের শেষ নয়। প্রশ্ন হতে হবে, রাষ্ট্র তাদের কীভাবে দেখবে? ফারাহ্ কবির: কান্ট্রি ডিরেক্টর, একশনএইড বাংলাদেশ পড়ুনঃ
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The Future Of Justice In Asia Lies At The Margins
Asia is no longer managing isolated crises. It is entering an age of polycrisis, where climate shocks, economic insecurity, democratic strain, displacement and deepening inequality collide. The political question is no longer simply how to manage disruption. It is whether institutions can retain legitimacy while societies are already being forced to transform. These crises do not unfold separately. A flood becomes unemployment. Unemployment becomes migration. Migration becomes exploitation. Economic insecurity deepens gender-based violence. Climate shocks intensify food stress and political anxiety. Across every rupture, it is care — largely unpaid and feminised — that absorbs the damage. Young people inherit not stability, but permanent uncertainty. Yet much of the policy and development response still treats these realities as separate domains: climate as environmental policy, labour as economics, gender as social inclusion, migration as humanitarian management and youth as engagement programming. But life is not lived in sectors. A young informal worker displaced by climate disaster does not separate survival from dignity, labour from gender justice or mental health from economic insecurity. A woman in an informal settlement does not experience "gender" apart from food prices, violence, housing and climate risk. A migrant worker does not separate exploitation from the political and economic systems that made exploitation possible. The development architecture that shaped much of Asia's institutional response was built for isolated problems. It is increasingly mismatched with a region defined by interconnected shocks and accelerated transition. The deeper crisis, however, is not only systemic. It is narrative. Too often, dominant stories still frame communities as vulnerable, women as victims, youth as future leaders, informal workers as invisible and climate-affected populations as passive recipients of aid. But across Asia, those most affected by crisis are already leading transformation. Informal workers sustain economies that formal systems depend on but rarely recognise. Women hold together households and communities through unpaid care work, mutual aid and survival networks. Young people are building political and digital movements outside traditional institutions. Climate-affected communities are redesigning livelihoods, migration pathways and adaptation strategies in real time. The future is already being made at the margins. In Bangladesh, this is visible in the coastal belt, where salinity, flooding and displacement are reshaping everyday life. It is visible in the informal settlements of Dhaka, where workers keep urban economies functioning while carrying extraordinary insecurity. It is visible in women-led community networks that quietly absorb the hidden burdens of food, care and survival. These are not exceptions. They are early signals of how transition is already being negotiated across Asia. Feminist political economy has long helped make this visible. Economies do not simply run on markets and productivity. They also depend on care, social reproduction and community resilience — work that is systematically undervalued because women disproportionately carry it. As Vandana Shiva has argued for decades, the real crisis is not scarcity itself, but systems that destroy ecological and social resilience while concentrating power. Across Asia, what communities are defending is not only livelihood, but life itself: dignity, autonomy and the right to survive without being sacrificed to extractive models of growth. From this perspective, polycrisis is not gender-neutral. It is intensified by patriarchal systems that normalise unequal care burdens, unequal safety, unequal wages and unequal access to decision-making power. That matters politically. The concentration of power still determines whose labour is visible, whose suffering is normalised, whose knowledge counts and whose futures are prioritised. Ignoring youth precarity, informal labour insecurity and unequal care burdens is no longer only a social failure. It is a governance risk. Yet institutional responses often return to the language of resilience — the ability of communities to absorb shocks and continue functioning. But resilience without justice can become a dangerous idea: a way of asking people to endure systems that continue to harm them. The question is not only how communities cope. It must also be why they must. More urgently, it must ask what has to change so that survival is not the permanent condition of the most marginalised. This is where feminist movements across Asia offer more than critique. They offer political direction. For decades, they have argued for redistribution of power and resources, recognition of care economies, labour protections for informal and precarious workers, bodily autonomy, freedom from violence, and climate justice rooted in equity rather than extraction. In other words, the challenge is not simply inclusion. It is a transition. If institutions are serious about remaining relevant, they must move beyond inclusion as language and towards redistribution as practice: from beneficiaries to co-creators, from participation to decision-making power, from service delivery to systems change, and from institutional authority to community legitimacy. The institutions that will matter in the next decade will not simply be those that manage emergencies more efficiently. They will be those willing to recognise that the people most affected by the crisis are already designing alternatives — through informal economies, feminist networks of care, youth-led mobilisation and community-led adaptation. Relevance today is not about sounding progressive. It is about deciding whether institutions are willing to transform alongside the world that is already changing around them. In an age of polycrisis, the question is no longer whether change is coming. It is whether those with power are willing to follow those who are already leading it. Author: Farah Kabir, Country Director, ActionAid Bangladesh Source:
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Media Coverage
Myth Of Just Transition
The climate crisis is accelerating, yet public support for climate action is fraying under the weight of rising living costs and deepening economic insecurity. Around the world, people are being asked to shoulder transitions they neither designed nor meaningfully benefit from. If climate policies continue to ignore everyday realities, especially those of women, workers and marginalised communities, resistance is not only inevitable but also justified. This is where the idea of a ‘just transition’ was meant to change the script: placing people, rights and livelihoods at the centre of climate action. But new research from ActionAid shows how far rhetoric has drifted from reality. The numbers are stark. Just 2.8 per cent of multilateral climate mitigation finance — roughly $630m over more than a decade — has gone towards supporting just transitions. That is one dollar in every 35. Fewer than 2 per cent of projects funded by major climate funds meaningfully engage workers, women or communities. In practice, the ‘just transition’ risks becoming little more than a slogan: invoked in speeches, absent in delivery. This failure is not gender neutral. Women, particularly in the global south, are disproportionately affected by both climate breakdown and poorly designed transitions. They are more likely to bear the burden of unpaid care work, face systemic barriers to land, finance and technology, and remain excluded from decision-making spaces. When climate policies overlook these inequalities, they reinforce them. A transition that sidelines women is not just unjust; it is structurally unsound and ultimately less effective. At the same time, the industries most responsible for the crisis — fossil fuels and industrial agriculture — continue to expand. The world edges ever closer to breaching the 1.5°C threshold envisioned under the Paris Agreement, exposing the deep inadequacy of current efforts. Climate finance systems, instead of correcting course, are compounding the problem: underfunding people-centred solutions while enabling business-as-usual. The imbalance is almost absurd. More has been spent on a single billionaire’s super yacht than on just transition efforts across the global south. It is a stark illustration of political priorities and of whose futures are being valued and whose are being deferred.Politics If climate action is to succeed, this must change. Wealthy, high-emitting countries must deliver grant-based public finance at the scale required — not loans, not offsets, not market-based substitutes that deepen debt and inequality. Multilateral funds must move beyond partial commitments on paper and embed just transition principles into how projects are designed, financed and evaluated, with real accountability to communities on the frontlines. Institutions that consistently fail to meet these standards must be reformed or, where necessary, phased out. At the national level, governments must move beyond narrow energy targets. Phasing out fossil fuels and harmful industrial agriculture must go hand in hand with investments in renewable energy, agro-ecology, social protection, public services and decent work. Crucially, transitions must be participatory — shaped by workers, women and communities, not imposed upon them. This means reskilling programmes that are accessible to women, social protection systems that recognise unpaid care work and policy frameworks that guarantee labour rights and community consent. These debates are no longer theoretical. Following the momentum of COP28, where governments agreed to ‘transition away from fossil fuels’, attention is shifting to how this commitment will be implemented. The Santa Marta Conference in Colombia that begins today marks an important shift: from negotiating ambition to advancing concrete, evidence-based pathways for delivery. For Bangladesh, the stakes could hardly be higher. As a climate-vulnerable country facing mounting energy pressures and foreign exchange constraints linked to fuel imports, continued dependence on fossil fuels risks locking in both economic fragility and environmental harm. Yet Bangladesh also brings valuable experience — from community-led adaptation to decentralised renewable energy — that can help shape more grounded and equitable transition pathways.Bangladesh business insights While Bangladesh is not participating in Santa Marta as a state party, its presence through civil society reflects a different, but no less important, form of engagement. Across the global south, it is often grassroots movements, feminist organisations and labour groups that have driven the demand for justice in climate action and exposed the gaps between promise and practice. That Bangladesh’s voice will be heard primarily through these channels is both a strength and a signal. It underscores the vitality of its civil society but also highlights the risk that critical perspectives from frontline countries remain underrepresented in formal decision-making spaces where alliances, financing priorities and policy directions are shaped. Engagement in Santa Marta, even outside formal state structures, is therefore not symbolic. It is a strategic opportunity for Bangladeshi civil society to shape narratives, build alliances and push for financing and policy frameworks that reflect lived realities. It also creates space to bring feminist perspectives — too often marginalised — into the centre of global transition debates. At the same time, this moment should prompt reflection at home. If Bangladesh is to align with an emerging global consensus on moving away from fossil fuels, it must ensure that its own transition pathways are equitable, participatory and gender-responsive. That means embedding just transition principles into national planning — not as an afterthought, but as a foundation. A just transition cannot remain an empty promise. It must be financed, implemented and owned by those it is meant to serve. The findings from ActionAid are a warning; but they are also a call to act with urgency and integrity. Bangladesh may not be at the formal table in Santa Marta. But it cannot afford to be absent from shaping what comes next. "If Bangladesh is to align with an emerging global consensus on moving away from fossil fuels, it must ensure that its own transition pathways are equitable, participatory and gender-responsive" Farah Kabir Country Director ActionAid Bangladesh Source:
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